When political power becomes rooted in religion, a nation begins to accelerate rapidly toward anarchy. At the time of the French Revolution, the Bourbon dynasty had reigned for nearly two centuries. With the coronation of each successive generation of this dynasty, the royal crown was placed upon the monarch’s head exclusively by the hands of the Pope. During the reign of Louis XVI—a monarch of this very dynasty—the concentration of political power in the hands of the religious clergy and the nobility created a colossal chasm between the rich and the poor.
While 95 percent of the population possessed merely 5 percent of the national wealth, the remaining 5 percent of the population controlled a staggering 95 percent. Faced with such a profound disparity, democratic thinkers in France—such as Montesquieu, Rousseau, Diderot, and Voltaire—stepped forward to lead the intellectual movement of the 95 percent majority, taking to the streets alongside the common people. Subsequently, after liberating the prisoners who had been unjustly incarcerated in the Bastille, the entire populace marched upon the royal palace.
The nobility, the clergy, and King Louis himself were captured and subsequently hanged. Before long—following a period of anarchy—the French Revolution succeeded, albeit through a bloody path. History subsequently unfolded in such a way that the democratic values of “Liberty, Equality, Justice, and Fraternity” became immortalized as the enduring legacy of the French Revolution.
“Democratic values cannot be implanted by the force of the sword or the gun.”
— Socrates
Therefore, although the French Revolution achieved immortality as a successful movement, it eventually ran its course; out of the ensuing anarchy, a dictatorship once again emerged—this time in the form of Napoleon Bonaparte.
After the success of the French Revolution—and having provided the aforementioned ideological leadership—the intellectuals involved should have maintained their leadership until a fully democratic system was firmly established. However, by withdrawing themselves from the process and leaving the subsequent responsibility entirely to the masses, they left the public bewildered and rudderless. Napoleon Bonaparte capitalized on this anarchy and subsequently rose to become Emperor. Thus, France once again lost its democracy.
To quell the anarchy that arose in the wake of the French Revolution and to instill fear in hostile nations, Napoleon took up the sword and brought the entire situation under control. It was only then that he ascended the throne as the Emperor of France.
During his coronation, he defied the tradition wherein the royal crown is placed upon the monarch’s head by the hands of the Pope. Instead, he took the crown from the Pope’s hands, held it aloft on the tip of his sword, and placed it upon his own head himself!
Through this act, he made it abundantly clear that he had conquered this kingdom by the power of the sword, and that he would grant absolutely no authority to religion within his realm. In doing so, he delivered an indirect insult to the Pope—and, by extension, to religion itself. Subsequently, within a mere 10 to 15 years, Napoleon’s meteoric rise was brought to an end by the combined forces of England and Russia. Later—approximately a century thereafter, following the First and Second World Wars—the winds of democracy finally swept through France, and the nation has since emerged as a vibrant democratic state. However, for nearly 3,750 years, our nation—India—has languished in the bondage of a regressive, Manuvadi culture. During this period, approximately forty-three political invasions swept across India and subsequently receded. Yet, this regressive cultural invasion by the Aryans—even after thousands of years—remains firmly entrenched to this very day!
In the intervening period between 1947 and 1950—following the departure of the British—this regressive culture suffered a massive jolt with the drafting of India’s Constitution. Prior to this, in 1927, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar had already delivered a seismic shock by publicly burning the Manusmriti at Mahad.
However, over the past 75 years, our intellectual class has merely capitalized ideologically on the revolutionary struggles of our great historical figures; by doing so, they have subjected those very revolutions to cruel mockery. Consequently, our great leaders—even while they were still alive—were plunged into deep despair during their final days, and it was in this state of despondency that they ultimately passed away.
Perhaps this is why former Supreme Court Justice Markandey Katju observes: “If the public were to truly grasp the nature of the ‘game’ currently being played within this country’s judicial system, a revolution—much like the French Revolution—could very well erupt here.”
However, Mr. Katju, it is my firm conviction that a revolution simply cannot take place in this country. There is absolutely no cause for alarm!
For this is a nation of slaves. And these slaves take immense pride in their servitude. These slaves would, at a moment’s notice—even if it meant donning a gown, wearing bangles, and clapping their hands in effeminate submission—be ready to dance to any tune.
Yet, they would not dare to even lift their heads to demand the freedom of their fundamental rights, nor to stand up against the injustices perpetrated by Modi and Shah.
Such is the depth of pride these slaves take in their own slavery. I—the author—am most certainly not counted among these slaves.
If you, too, refuse to be counted among them, then take to the streets! Rise up against the EVMs, the CAA/NRC, and every other unjust law currently being imposed upon us.
